Abstract

Using self-administered questionnaires, this study assessed ways in which the viewing experience for sports fans is similar to-and different from-the viewing experience for fans of other popular programming genres. Compared to fans of other genres, televised sports fans were likely to engage in a variety of pregame planning and information search activities. Their viewing was more likely to be purposive and content oriented. Sports fans were emotionally involved and cared about the outcomes. They also were more likely to check media sources for follow-up information. Fans of other genres were not as active or invested in their favorite programming genre. Sports has been a programming staple on broadcast and cable television for decades. It regularly attracts the faithful and, with major events, draws audiences that other genres of programming rarely approach. Year in and year out, the Super Bowl garners the largest U.S. audience of the year, far outpacing any other single program. The Olympics and the World Cup draw unrivaled numbers of viewers across the globe, several billion over the course of the Olympics and perhaps as much as a billion for a single World Cup match Zheng Wang (M. A., Indiana University) is a joint doctoral student in Telecommunications and Cognitive Science at Indiana University. Her research interest includes the dynamic interactions between cognitive and emotional processing of mediated messages, audience analysis, and methodological and statistical issues in mass communication research. Bryant Paul (Ph.D., University of California, Santa Barbara) is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Telecommunications at Indiana University. His research focuses primarily on the intersection of First Amendment law and policy and media effects research, sexual media content, and sports in media. Robert F. Potter (Ph.D., Indiana University) is the Director of the Institute for Communication Research in the Department of Telecommunications at Indiana University. His primary research area is the information processing of mediated messages, particularly the influence of audio on cognitive and emotional response. He is also interested in the impact of sports programming on audiences. With less frequent public recognition and scholarly scrutiny, other genres of programming attract and cultivate sizable audiences and, as with sports, a sizable number of fans. For example, prior to its final original episode in 2003, the television situation comedy Friends regularly drew viewers "still dying to know who [Rachel] ends up with-Ross or Joey?" when a decade had passed "after [the character] stumbled into the Central Perk coffeehouse after running away from her own wedding" (Peyser, 2003, p. 46). To be sure, there are other parallels as well. For example, stars of wildly popular shows such as Friends receive salaries that rival the biggest sports stars. Fans represent an important segment of television audiences that programmers cultivate across genres, from sports to soap operas, situation comedies and dramas to adult-oriented animated programs, and from reality shows to afternoon and evening talkfests. At a minimum, fans represent a steady base of viewers that programmers and sales personnel collectively describe and package to advertisers and ad agencies. At times, fans are openly promoted and celebrated. For this, all one has to see is ESPN's self-congratulatory 25th anniversary campaign titled "The Season of the Fan" Although scholars have examined fans for sports, soap operas, and reality programs separately, they have not looked for commonalities in fanship across programming genres. Do fans prepare for their programs in similar ways? Are they motivated by similar or disparate sets of motivations? Do they view and respond in similar ways, or is viewing and response unique to each type of program? In short, scholars have not examined the extent to which the fanship experience cuts across genres. This study was designed to make that comparison. Fanship The term fan is routinely linked with those who follow sports. For example, the first meaning for the term provided by the Oxford English Dictionary (1996) states that a fan is "a keen and regular spectator of a (professional) sport, originally of baseball." Yet, the term, derived from fanatic, can and has been applied to those with a particular interest in performers, personalities, and programs, as well as athletes and sports teams. Along with athletes, celebrities have long had fan clubs and fan magazines and have been the recipients of fan mail. At a minimum, fanship points to an active and interested audience. In all likelihood, fanship represents an array of thought processes, affective attachments, and behaviors that separate fans from nonfans, including nonfans who watch the same programming. Studies have documented the benefits and pitfalls associated with fanship. Fanship is said to empower fans and generate passion and energy in them Although people frequently call themselves a fan of-or not a fan of-a program or genre of programming, fanship is likely to exist on a continuum, providing room for the hard-core fans that the media sometimes showcase and academics occasionally study (cf. Wann & Branscombe, 1993). Placement on this continuum, however, is likely to incorporate an individual's knowledge of, interest in, and exposure to the programming under consideration. , for example, defined sports fans based on self-reported knowledge levels, interest, and patterns of exposure to sports. Sports fans were those with considerably higher scores on perceived knowledge, interest, and viewership than their counterparts. The same should apply to other forms of entertainment programming. Fanship for Sports A wealth of studies have examined sports fanship. Gantz and his colleagues conducted a series of surveys to investigate the motives and behaviors associated with TV sports fans Gantz et al./FANSHIP ACROSS PROGRAMMING GENRES 97 vised game beforehand and were emotionally aroused and quite active while viewing, often yelling in pleasure or displeasure as the events transpired. found that fanship made a difference in the audience's viewing experience of televised sports. Fans were more likely to prepare for a game by following reports about it beforehand, were more strongly motivated to watch for the intrinsic pleasures associated with watching, to be emotionally involved and overtly expressive while viewing, and, for better or worse, to have the game linger on after the final whistle was blown. Hocking Wann At least with sports viewing, gender makes a difference. Differences between the genders here may start at an early age. Young children have different motives for watching mediated sports. For girls, mediated sports gave them access to a male-dominated world, let them talk about sports with others if they wished, and look at men's bodies without being questioned about it. For boys, mediated sports provided a common ground and sense of male identity Most studies examining gender differences in sports viewing have focused on adults. Dietz-Uhler, Harrick, End, and Jacquemotte (2000) assessed fanship among college students and found that about three quarters of the sample categorized themselves as sports fans. Women were as likely as men to consider themselves as sports fans, but they identified themselves less strongly with the concept than men did. For men, being a sports fan is an important part of their identity. For women, being a sports fan meant "attending, watching, and cheering at sporting events, preferably in the company of family and friends" (Dietz-Uhler et al., 2000, p. 227). Fanship for Other Genres of Programming Two decades ago, when Gantz (1981) explored the motives for watching televised sports, he found that viewers watched sports more actively than other entertainment programming. However, no additional research was conducted to investigate how various programming genres were similar or different in terms of viewer motivations and behaviors. Studies have been conducted about soap opera fans and, more recently, about fans for reality programs. Harrington and Bielby (1995) recruited adults from soap opera fan clubs and found several underlying traits and behavioral patterns. Almost all of the fans they recruited were female and White. Most watched a good number of soap operas (i.e., they were fans of the genre, not just a specific show), preferred to watch alone, and talked with others about the programs. Most also subscribed to fan magazines and kept up with the shows by following plot summaries provided by those vehicles. Bielby, Harrington, and Bielby (1999) investigated fan activities at three sites: fan clubs, daytime magazines, and electronic bulletin boards. Magazines gave fans ownership of visible criticism. Similarly, electronic bulletin boards provided a sense of legitimacy to fans' reactions and critiques of story lines and provided a collective sense of identity. They represented an important outlet for those who had made a significant cognitive and affective investment in the ongoing story lines of their favorite soap operas. In examining the Internet community of fans for the soap opera, All My Children, Baym In the last few years, reality shows have been widely promoted and enthusiastically embraced by a large number of viewers Gantz et al./FANSHIP ACROSS PROGRAMMING GENRES 99 instincts. That did not appear to be the case. Instead, viewers, especially those who watched on a regular basis, attended because these shows were perceived as relatively unique (e.g., unscripted, real people). Nabi et al. also found the gratifications obtained by viewers differed on the basis of the frequency with which they watched these programs. For example, regular viewers wanted to be entertained, whereas periodic viewers were more likely to use reality TV to alleviate boredom. In essence, regular viewers seemed to be a more active audience than their counterparts. Jones (2003) identified eight reasons for watching reality shows. These included gaining insight into people's behavior, to be entertained, because the shows were real and live, to predict the outcomes, and because people enjoyed being nosy. Grossberg (1992) argued that "sensibility" differentiated fans from general viewers. Fans turned to and responded to programs with more affect than others who watched the same content. Research Question After documenting that TV sports fans were active, involved, and invested consumers of televised sports, Gantz and Wenner (1995) called on scholars to investigate the differences and similarities of fans across programming genres. At that time, Gantz and Wenner suggested that the viewing experiences for soap opera or prime-time drama fans might have much in common with the experience for sports fans: Soap opera fans, for example, diligently follow their favorites, read accounts of ongoing storylines, and talk with each other about recent episodes. Similarly, devotees of weekly series may set aside time in order to watch each week's episodes, get together with others to watch, talk while watching, respond emotionally to the unfolding drama, and eagerly anticipate each new episode. (pp. 71-72) Yet, because soap operas were taped and fully scripted, viewers who cared might not celebrate as much or experience as much anguish as sports fans do after the significant victories or defeats. When called for that comparison, sports was the only regularly scheduled genre of live, unscripted, purely entertainment programming offered on television. Now, of course, reality programs come close to fitting the bill as well. All involve real people whose lives are affected by the programs. Viewers are told these shows are unscripted. Some are televised live. With the rise of reality programs as well as the continued popularity of other genres of programs that draw loyal Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media/March 2006 audiences, it is reasonable to assess commonalities in the viewing experience across programming genres. This study, then, is driven by the following question: RQ: In what ways are the pre-viewing behaviors, motivations for viewing, concomitant viewing behaviors, and post-viewing behaviors for sports fans similar to-and different from-those experiences for fans of other popular genres of programming? Method The study was conducted using a student sample, consistent with a number of studies examining sports fans as well as studies describing the motivations for viewing other genres of programming such as soap operas and reality programs. College students, like older and less educated adults, watch a lot of television, have definite programming preferences, and are fans of a variety of programming genres. The nature of their viewing experience is not likely to vary from that of others in the population. In addition, the study was designed to examine within-group differences in fanship. Differences among college students are likely to be similar to those that might exist among other groups of viewers. Self-administered questionnaires were given to students in six sections of two introductory media classes at a large public university in the Midwest. The largely close-ended questionnaire was extensively pretested. Many of the items were derived from those used elsewhere Respondents A total of 383 students completed the current instrument. None of these had participated in any of the pretesting stages. All volunteered. One of the study's authors was Gantz et al./FANSHIP ACROSS PROGRAMMING GENRES 101 present in each class to administer the questionnaire. Men and women were almost equally represented (51.7% male, 46.2% female, and 2.1% did not report gender). Ages ranged from 18 to 57 years; on average, they were 20 years old (SD = 3.3). About one in five (17.7%) were freshmen, 44.9% were sophomores, 29.1% were juniors, and 8.3% were seniors. Just over one in four (26%) lived in a university dormitory; others lived in an apartment/condo, a sorority/fraternity, a house, or with parents (34.9%, 20.1%, 18.2%, and 0.8%, respectively). Respondent Instructions In order to measure fanship, the questionnaire began by assessing how much respondents enjoyed watching each of eight genres of programming: sports, situation comedies, reality programs, dramas, nighttime talk/comedy programs, daytime talk shows, adult-oriented animated series, and soap operas. Current and popular examples were provided for each genre. Scales ranging from 0 to 10 were employed here, as they were for much of the questionnaire. With enjoyment, 0 meant respondents did not enjoy the genre at all, and 10 meant they enjoyed watching that type of show a great deal. Students were then asked to estimate the number of hours each week during the school year they spent watching each of those programming genres. They also were asked to indicate the number of hours they spent each day watching sports news on television as well as following sports news on the Web. These items were included to better differentiate sports fans from those who simply reported a high degree of enjoyment with televised sports. Otherwise, as found elsewhere After filling out the enjoyment and exposure items, respondents were told that, for the rest of the questionnaire, they were to focus on sports and the type of show other than sports they scored highest among the enjoyment items. If they had a tie, they were told to pick one of the tied types of shows. In all cases, respondents wrote down the genre they selected. They also listed their favorite show within that genre as well as their favorite sport. (Collectively, respondents listed dozens of specific shows and well over a dozen different sports.) All respondents then addressed each of the items on the questionnaire as the items related to watching sports and as the items related to their (other) favorite type of show. Each item was listed once. There were two blanks next to each item: one for sports and the other for their (other) favorite type of show. Respondents placed their scores for each genre in the blanks corresponding to each item. Sports fans were defined by the researchers based on responses to the questions that measured respondent enjoyment of sports programming, the amount of time they spent following sports news on TV, and the amount of time they followed sports news on the Web. Borrowing from , sports fans were defined as those respondents who, in addition to simply expressing a high degree of enjoyment from watching televised sports, also reported more actively seeking out supplemental, sports-related information, both on television and via the Internet. In this study, sports fans were those who scored at least an 8 on the enjoyment item, watched at least an hour a day of sports news on television, and spent at least an hour daily following sports news on the Web. Respondents were defined as fans of one of the other programming genres if they did not qualify as a sports fan and if they scored an 8 or higher on the enjoyment item for the genre they had written down as their favorite. Respondents who did not give an enjoyment score of at least 8 for their favorite genre (n = 25) were not included in the analyses. Most of the questionnaire focused on four elements of the viewing experience: what people did before their show came on, their motives for watching, the things they did and felt while watching, and the behaviors and feelings they experienced after viewing. Across areas, respondents used a 0 to 10 scale, where 0 meant the item did not apply to them at all and 10 meant it applied a great deal to them. Respondents answered each item first as it related to sports and then as it related to their favorite type of show. Measures Pre-Viewing Behaviors. Pre-viewing behaviors were as follows: "read a magazine or newspaper article about the show (game) beforehand"; "read something on the Web about it"; "plan your schedule so you'll be able to watch"; "think about what might happen on the show (game)"; "plan to get together with friends to watch"; "plan to go to a bar or restaurant to watch"; "participate in online chat groups about the show (game)"; "talk with your friends (on the phone, face-to-face, online) about it"; "make sure you are wearing something/holding something lucky or that you have worn/held before when watching the show (game)"; "bet (for money) on the likely outcome"; and "bet (not for money) on the likely outcome." Motivations. Motivations were as follows: "because there's nothing else on"; "to relieve stress and escape from pressures of the day"; "to have something to talk about with your friends"; "because you don't want to miss a thing on the show or game"; "because you care about the characters, players, teams, or people"; "it's something to do with a romantic partner"; "it relates to your life"; "to see who does well/who wins"; "to put aside responsibilities, including studying, for a while"; "because the shows/games are popular"; "to feel connected with the characters, players, or teams"; "to make fun of the characters, players, or teams"; "to spark your imagination"; "because others are watching"; "to be in the know"; "to follow your bets"; "because the characters, players, or teams are attractive"; "because you like the unpredictability of the shows/games"; "to observe fashion"; "it's an excuse to party"; "to add some excitement to your life"; "it's a chance to have an alcoholic Gantz et al./FANSHIP ACROSS PROGRAMMING GENRES 103 drink"; "to feel better about yourself"; "to keep track of fantasy leagues"; "to learn life lessons"; "to be part of a group that's watching"; "it's a good excuse to get together with friends"; "to follow a specific player, character, or team"; and "to kill time." Concomitant Behaviors. Concomitant behaviors were as follows: "talk with others about the show or game"; "talk with others about other things"; "tell people to be quiet so you can hear everything"; "have an alcoholic drink"; "get drunk/hammered"; "bet on what might happen"; "yell out at the characters, players, teams, or action"; "feel anxious"; "yell/argue/fight"; "have a snack or a meal"; "hope (or pray) for an outcome you want"; "study or read"; "feel excited"; "feel happy when your favorite character, player, or team does well"; "feel sad or depressed when your favorite character, player, or team does poorly"; and "feel mad when your favorite character, player, or team does poorly." Post-Viewing Behaviors. Post-viewing behaviors were as follows: "read about the characters, players, shows, teams, or games in the newspaper"; "watch more about it on TV"; "check the Web to read more about it"; "participate in chat groups about it"; "hang out with your friends after watching"; "write to the actors, players, or teams"; "talk with your friends about it"; "stay in a good mood for a while if your favorite character, player, or team did well"; "stay in a bad mood for a while if your favorite character, player, or team did poorly"; "don't do anything related to the show or game once it's over, you don't think about it until the next show or game"; and "drink more." Based on their responses to the three items measuring sports fanship, 107 respondents were identified as sports fans. Not surprisingly, most (86%) were men. Data from these respondents on their favorite type of program (other than sports) were excluded from the analyses. Of those respondents who did not meet the definition for sports fans, a total of 94 met the criteria set forth for situation comedy fans (i.e., listed it as their favorite genre and gave it an enjoyment score of 8 or higher). Forty-nine respondents met the criteria for fans of adult-oriented animation programs, 45 for drama fans, 30 for fans of reality programs, and 21 for fans of nighttime talk/comedy programs. Fans clearly enjoy watching their favorite genre. On the 0 to 10 enjoyment scale used, fans for each genre averaged from 9.4 to 9.7 (see For the analyses, programming genres were dummy coded. A multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was conducted separately for the pre-viewing behaviors, motivations, concomitant behaviors, and post-viewing behaviors mentioned previously using the genre of fans as a factor, with gender controlled. The MANOVA results showed a significant effect of the genre of fans on pre-viewing behaviors, Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media/March 2006 Hotelling's F(55, 1552) = 2.90, p < .001; viewing motivations, Hotelling's F(145, 1462) = 1.48, p < .001; concomitant behaviors, Hotelling's F(80, 1522) = 1.31, p < .05; and post-viewing behaviors, Hotelling's F(55, 1532) = 2.58, p < .001. The controlled factor of gender also had a significant effect on those four sets of dependent variables, Hotelling's F(11, 312) = 3.85, p < .001; Hotelling's F(29, 294) = 2.65, p < .001; Hotelling's F(16, 306) = 2.39, p < .005; and Hotelling's F(11, 308) = 2.13, p < .05, respectively. Pairwise post hoc comparisons (Bonferroni tests) were conducted for each item. Results Pre-Viewing Behaviors Fans of televised sports were likely to engage in a variety of pregame planning and information search activities. They were most likely to think about what might happen in the game, talk with friends about it, and plan their schedules in advance in order to watch the game. These three items received a mean response above 7 on the 0 to 10 scale used (see Reality programming fans were most likely to plan to get together to watch the shows, plan their schedules, and think about the shows. Those were the only items with mean scores of at least 5. Fans of prime-time dramas were most likely to plan to Gantz et al./FANSHIP ACROSS PROGRAMMING GENRES 105