Donkey anaphora is in-scope binding (2008)
| Citations: | 8 - 3 self |
BibTeX
@MISC{Barker08donkeyanaphora,
author = {Chris Barker and Chung-chieh Shan},
title = { Donkey anaphora is in-scope binding },
year = {2008}
}
OpenURL
Abstract
We propose that the antecedent of a donkey pronoun takes scope over and binds the donkey pronoun, just like any other quantificational antecedent would bind a pronoun. We flesh out this idea in a grammar that compositionally derives the truth conditions of donkey sentences containing conditionals and relative clauses, including those involving modals and proportional quantifiers. For example, an indefinite in the antecedent of a conditional can bind a donkey pronoun in the consequent by taking scope over the entire conditional. Our grammar manages continuations using three independently motivated type-shifters, Lift, Lower, and Bind. Empirical support comes from donkey weak crossover (*He beats it if a farmer owns a donkey): in our system, a quantificational binder need not c-command a pronoun that it binds, but must be evaluated before it, so that donkey weak crossover is just a special case of weak crossover. We compare our approach to situation-based E-type pronoun analyses, as well as to dynamic accounts such as Dynamic Predicate Logic. A new ‘tower ’ notation makes derivations considerably easier to follow and manipulate than some previous grammars based on continuations.







