The paper proposes a theory relating syntax, semantics, and intonational prosody, and covering a wide range of English intonational tunes and their semantic interpretation in terms of focus and information structure. The theory is based on a version of combinatory categorial grammar which directly pairs phonological and logical forms without intermediary representational levels.

tem of rewrite rules or "productions" like (2), which have their origin in early work in recursion theory by Post, among others. (1) Dexter likes Warren. (2) S ! NP VP VP ! TV NP TV ! flikes;sees; : : :g Categorial Grammar (CG), together with its close cousin Dependency Grammar (which also originated in the 1950s, in work by Tesniere) stems from an alternative approach to context-free grammar pioneered by Bar-Hillel 1953 and Lambek 1958, with earlier antecedents in Ajdukiewicz 1935 and still earlier work by Husserl and Russell in category theory and the theory of types. Categorial Grammars capture the same information by associating a functional type or category with all grammatical entities. For example, all transitive verbs are associated via the lexicon with a category that can be written as follows: (3) likes := (SnNP)=NP The no

Under categorial grammars that have powerful rules like composition, a simple n-word sentence can have exponentially many parses. Generating all parses is inefficient and obscures whatever true semantic ambiguities are in the input. This paper addresses the problem for a fairly general form of Combinatory Categorial Grammar, by means of an efficient, correct, and easy to implement normal-form parsing technique. The parser

this paper I treat conditionals using material implication, ignoring the well-known semantic/pragmatic problems concerning their correct interpretation. Of course, one may doubt whether (7a), which is verified by any situation in which there is one woman who did not come to the party, reflects correctly the wide scope reading of the indefinite in (7). Obviously, this problem is independent of the scope problem of indefinites. For this reason and because antecedents of conditionals are one of the simplest and most striking cases of scope islands, I use such examples freely, counting on the reader to substitute her favorite theory of conditionals for material implication. This claim has been challenged in Farkas (1981), Rooth & Partee (1982:fn.6) and, more recently, in Ruys (1992) and Abusch (1994). These works all show cases where Fodor & Sag's claim is argued to be incorrect. The empirical debate will be reviewed later in this paper (subsection 3.4.2). Ruys and Abusch both conclude that Fodor & Sag's "referential" approach is inadequate. To handle the facts, Ruys proposes an indexing mechanism of indefinites within a DRT-like interpretation of LF. Abusch proposes to enrich DRT with a storage mechanism that changes the syntactic position of the N' predicate (= the restriction of the indefinite) at the representational level. Both Ruys and Abusch therefore accept the assumption of DRT about a distinct syntactic representational level for meaning. This level (sometimes called Logical Form') is additional to the syntactic level that undergoes semantic interpretation (GB's Logical Form, other theories' Surface Structure). Indefinites in Ruys and Abusch's treatments are not quantifiers. Instead, they involve the familiar treatment of DRT using free variables. I henceforth c...

In this paper we compare grammatical inference in the context of simple and of mixed Lambek systems. Simple Lambek systems are obtained by taking the logic of residuation for a family of multiplicative connectives =; ffl; n, together with a package of structural postulates characterizing the resource management properties of the ffl connective. Different choices for Associativity and Commutativity yield the familiar logics NL, L, NLP, LP. Semantically, a simple Lambek system is a unimodal logic: the connectives get a Kripke style interpretation in terms of a single ternary accessibility relation modeling the notion of linguistic composition for each individual system. The simple systems each have their virtues in linguistic analysis. But none of them in isolation provides a basis for a full theory of grammar. In the second part of the paper, we consider two types of mixed Lambek systems. The first type is obtained by combining a number of unimodal systems into one multimodal logic. The...

This paper describes a method for chart parsing Lam- bek grammars. The method is of particular interest in two regards. FirsSly, it allows efficient processing of grammars which use necessity operators, an extension proposed for handling locality phenomena. Secondly, the method is emily adapted to allow incremental processing of Lambek grammars, a possibility that has hitherto been unavailable.

In this article I present a series of arguments that syntactic structures are built incrementally, in a strict left-to-right order. By assuming incremental structure building it becomes possible to explain the differences between the range of constituents available to different diagnostics of constituency, including movement, ellipsis, coordination, scope and binding. In an incremental derivation structure building creates new constituents, and in doing so may destroy existing constituents. The article presents detailed evidence for the prediction of incremental grammar, that a syntactic process may refer to only those constituents that are present at the point in the derivation when the process applies. Keywords: phrase structure, constituency, incrementality, coordination, binding, scope, ellipsis, movement. 1. Introduction Tests of constituency are basic components of the syntactician's toolbox. By investigating which strings of words can and cannot be moved, deleted...

1 A sign-based categorial framework This paper investigates discontinuous type constructors within the framework of a signbased generalization of categorial type calculi. The paper takes its inspiration from Oehrle’s (1988) work on generalized compositionality for multidimensional linguistic objects, and, we hope, may establish a bridge between work in Unification Categorial Grammar or HPSG, and the research that views categorial grammar from the perspective of substructural type logics. Categorial sequents are represented as composed of multidimensional signs, modelled as tuples of the form 〈Type, Semantics, Syntax〉 They simultaneously characterize the semantic and structural properties of linguistic objects in terms of a type-assignment labelled with semantic information (a lambda term) and structural, syntactic information. As argued elsewhere (Moortgat 1988), the structural information refers to phonological structuring of linguistic material, rather than to syntactic structure in the conventional sense. For the purposes of this paper, structural information is simplified to a string description.

The Lambek calculus, an intuitionistic fragment of Linear Logic, has recently been rediscovered by linguists. Due to its built-in hypothetical reasoning mechanism, it allows for describing a certain range of those phenomena in natural language syntax which involve incomplete subphrases or moved constituents. Previously, it seemed unclear how to extent traditional parsing techniques in order to incorporate reasoning about incomplete phrases, without causing the undesired effect of derivational equivalences. It turned out that the Lambek calculus offers a framework to formulate equivalent but more implementation-oriented calculi where this problem does not occur. In this paper, such a theorem prover for the Lambek calculus, i.e. a parser for Lambek categorial grammars, is defined. Permutations of proof steps which would cause derivational equivalence in a purely sequential formulation do not play a role in a (pseudo-)parallel approach which is based on a lemma table or a "chart". At the...

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