This article opens by noting that positive emotions do not fit existing models of emotions. Consequently, a new model is advanced to describe the form and function of a subset of positive emotions, including joy, interest, contentment, and love. This new model posits that these positive emotions serve to broaden an individual's momentary thought-action repertoire, which in turn has the effect of building that individual's physical, intellectual, and social resources. Empirical evidence to support this broaden-and-build model of positive emotions is reviewed, and implications for emotion regulation and health promotion are discussed. Even though research on emotions has this new perspective are featured. My hope is flourished in recent years, investigations that that this article will unlock scientific curiosity expressly target positive emotions remain few about positive emotions, not only to test the and far between. Any review of the psychologi- ideas presented here, but also to build other new cal literature on emotions will show that models that might illuminate the nature and psychologists have typically favored negative value of positive emotions. Psychology sorely emotions in theory building and hypothesis needs more studies on positive emotions, not testing. In so doing, psychologists have inadver- simply to level the uneven knowledge bases tently marginalized the emotions, such as joy, between negative and positive emotions, but interest, contentment, and love, that share a more critically, to guide applications and pleasant subjective feel. To date, then, psycholo- interventions that might improve individual and gy's knowledge base regarding positive emo- collective functioning, psychological welltions is so thin that satisfying answers to the question "What good are positive emotions?" have yet to be articulated. This is unfortunate. being, and physical health. Experiences of positive emotion are central to Why Have Positive Emotions human nature and contribute richly to the quality of people's lives (Diener & Larsen, Been Marginalized? 1993; Myers & Diener, 1995). But how? In At this point, it might be useful to inspect

This article develops the hypothesis that intervention strategies that cultivate positive emotions are particularly suited for preventing and treating problems rooted in negative emotions, such as anxiety, depression, aggression, and stressrelated health problems. Fredrickson's (1998) broaden–and–build model of positive emotions provides the foundation for this application. According to this model, the form and function of positive and negative emotions are distinct and complementary. Negative emotions (e.g., fear, anger, and sadness) narrow an individual's momentary thought–action repertoire toward specific actions that served the ancestral function of promoting survival. By contrast, positive emotions (e.g., joy, interest, and contentment) broaden an individual's momentary thought–action repertoire, which in turn can build that individual's enduring personal resources, resources that also served the ancestral function of promoting survival. One implication of the broaden–and–build model is that positive emotions have an undoing effect on negative emotions. By broadening

In 6 studies, the authors tested whether the effect of mood on self-control success depends on a person’s accessible goal. We propose that positive mood signals a person to adopt an accessible goal, whereas negative mood signals a person to reject an accessible goal; therefore, if a self-improvement goal is accessible, happy (vs. neutral or unhappy) people perform better on self-control tasks that further that goal. Conversely, if a mood management goal is accessible, happy people abstain from self-control tasks because the tasks are incompatible with this goal. This pattern receives consistent support across several self-control tasks, including donating to charity, demonstrating physical endurance, seeking negative feedback, and completing tests.

Stereotype Fit 2 Research documents performance decrements resulting from the activation of a negative task-relevant stereotype. We combine a number of strands of work to identify causes of stereotype threat in a way that allows us to reverse the effects and improve the performance of individuals with negative task-relevant stereotypes. We draw on prior work suggesting that negative stereotypes induce a prevention focus, and other research suggesting that people exhibit greater flexibility when their regulatory focus matches the reward structure of the task. This work suggests that stereotype threat effects emerge from a prevention focus combined with tasks that have an explicit or implicit gains reward structure. We find flexible performance can be induced in individuals who have a negative task-relevant stereotype by using a losses reward structure. We demonstrate the interaction of stereotypes and the reward structure of the task using chronic stereotypes and GRE math problems (Experiment 1), and primed stereotypes and a category learning task (Experiments 2a and 2b). We discuss implications of this research for other work on stereotype threat.

Traditionally, information systems (IS) usage models have examined user behavior within a cognitive framework, that is, these models suggest that a user’s cognition influences his/her IS usage behavior. Research over the past three decades has shown that mood, one’s global feeling state at a given time, can significantly impact a person’s cognitive processes. Mood effects on cognition are particularly relevant to organizational settings. Because moods are pervasive, they provide a stable context for cognitive processes that influence behavior at work; therefore, the inclusion of mood in individual IS usage models that support organizational tasks is both relevant and necessary. Because positive mood can enhance performance under certain circumstances, mood management is also relevant to IS usage models. Thus, we highlight how moods can be managed via IS and propose a model that takes into account users ’ moods at the time they work with a system. This model provides an extended framework for incorporating relevant mood literature into current IS usage behavioral models. With this model, researchers can examine certain aspects of the model (such as how IS design can influence user feeling states or how users ’ moods can impact their behavior), or conduct more comprehensive research using the entire model. This model can contribute to theory by providing

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This article explores the feedback individuals give, seek, and respond to in the course of pursuing their goals. We propose that positive feedback motivates goal pursuit when it signals an increase in goal commitment, whereas negative feedback motivates goal pursuit when it signals insufficient goal progress. We review research suggesting that whether individuals are drawn to evaluate their level of commitment versus rate of progress determines the type of feedback (positive or negative) that best motivates them to pursue their goals. We then review research suggesting that these effects of feedback operate by inducing positive and negative general moods as well as specific emotions. Feedback is essential for goal pursuit. Information on successful and failed actions allows individuals to adjust and direct their efforts to match the challenge they are facing (Bandura, 1991; Dweck & Leggett, 1988; Festinger, 1954; Locke & Latham, 1990). Consequently, there are specific social roles associated with providing feedback on goal pursuit. For example, educators, coaches, and bosses all provide feedback that helps individuals monitor the level and direction of their actions to ensure they meet their goals. In addition, people seek

Positive emotions are often treated as relatively similar in their cognitive-behavioral effects, and as having unambiguously beneficial consequences. For example, Valdesolo and DeSteno (2006) reported that a humorous video made people more prone to choose a utilitarian solution to a moral dilemma. They attributed this finding to increased positive affect. To determine whether such results actually stem in general from positive affect or from other more specific properties of humor, we conducted an experiment with moral dilemmas presented during an interleaved emotion-induction procedure involving mirth and another positive emotion, elevation. Mirth increased permissiveness for deontological violations, whereas elevation had the opposite effect. Furthermore, affective valence had no apparent independent influence on these judgments. Our results suggest that mirth and elevation have distinct cognitive consequences whose properties reflect their respective social functions, not their shared positive valence. Positive Emotions in Moral Judgment 3 Divergent Effects of Different Positive Emotions on Moral Judgment Although recent research has advanced our understanding of positive emotions, they are still less well understood than negative emotions. One striking difference in this understanding is the

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This paper presents a series of studies (laboratory, archival, and field) that test models of cognitive and emotional decision-making in the context of Internet auctions. We demonstrate for the first time a behavioral reversal of the classic anchoring effect, finding that lower starting prices can produce higher final sale prices. We show that this effect results from lower starting prices reducing barriers to entry into the auction, thereby increasing interest, traffic, and, in the end, higher final prices. We also show how starting price interacts with a number of different variables, and in doing so, find support for Mandler’s (1975; 1982) congruity model, an affective extension of that model, and a new model of competitive arousal (Ku, Malhotra, & Murnighan, 2003). The discussion focuses on extending our understanding of the effects of anchors from intrapersonal and dyadic to group domains, contextualizing anchors in social processes, and the need to simultaneously consider cognitive and affective influences in decision-making. Congruity, Competitive Arousal, and Anchoring Reversal 3 Starting low but ending high: Congruity, competitive arousal, and a reversal of the anchoring effect in auctions “When the competition swings into high gear, e-motion really comes into play, … In the