this paper. Towards that end, comments are welcome. 1 (1) S

Abstract. In this paper, we present a unified feature-based theory of complement, adjunct, and subject extraction, in which there is no need either for valence reducing lexical rules or for phonologically null traces. Our analysis rests on the assumption that the mapping between argument structure and valence is defined by realization constraints which are satisfied by all lexical heads. Arguments can be realized as local dependents, in which case they are selected via the head’s valence features. Alternatively, arguments may be realized in a long-distance dependency construction, in which case they are selected via the head’s SLASH features. Furthermore, we argue that in English post-verbal adjuncts, as well as complements, are syntactic dependents selected by the verb, thus providing a uniform analysis of complement and adjunct extraction. Finally, we provide an alternative treatment of subject extraction which is subsumed by our general analysis and offer a new account of the that-trace effect. 1.

Grammars that expect words from the lexicon may be at odds with the transparent projection of syntactic and semantic scope relations of smaller units. We propose a morphosyntactic framework

We describe how substantial domainindependent language-processing systems for French and Spanish were quickly developed by manually adapting an existing English-language system, the SRI Core Language Engine. We explain the adaptation process in detail, and argue that it provides a fairly general recipe for converting a grammar-based system for English into a corresponding one for a Romance language.

Introduction In this paper, we discuss a new analysis of the left periphery of German nite sentences. With the term left periphery we refer to that region of a nite sentence which contains sentence initial nite verbs that might either be preceded by a constituent (verb second sentences, V2) or not (verb rst sentences, V1), or sentence initial complementizers that might either be lexical or complex (verb nal sentences, VF). Our analysis builds on empirical generalizations previously formulated in the topological elds model of German sentence structure. It accounts for the movement of nite verbs without lexical rules, traces nor a feature inv(erted), and eliminates the Head-Filler-Schema for unbounded dependencies. Its main idea is to lexicalize the left periphery or, in other words, to explain the topological makeup of the left periphery of nite sentences in terms of certain properties of a class of lexical elements. An eminent characteris

This paper addresses a number of empirical problems surrounding the analysis of `extraction' from French nominal phrases. The lexically based analysis that we present expresses a fundamental generalization in this domain, namely, the correlation between the potential for extraction from NPs and the possibility of `pied piping'. As observed by Godard (1992), this generalization is left unexplained by existing accounts of extraction. We will also sketch how our treatment of extraction and pied piping fits into a broader analysis of the core syntactic phenomena of modern French. Our lexical treatment of cliticization, itself a consequence of the strict lexicalism that we embrace, allows us to unify the analysis of unbounded extraction phenomena with that of cliticization, in the process explaining their common properties. We are able to derive the facts in question through the interaction of independently motivated constraints on representations. The relevant generalizations are naturally cast as constraints in the framework of Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG), whose relevant constructs we explain in section 3 below.

This paper develops within HPSG a model of grammar with two syntactic levels, valence lists and argument structure, at which sentences may have different representations: syntactically ergative and Western Austronesian languages are distinctive by allowing different prominence orderings between the valence lists and argument structure, while forms like passives and causatives have nested argument structure lists. While binding theory and related phenomena have traditionally been described in terms of surface grammatical relations or configurations, we demonstrate that binding theory is actually correctly described in terms of argument structure configurations. Such an approach generalizes nicely over accusative and ergative constructions, correctly predicts binding patterns with causative and passive verbs, and supports the lexicality-preserving account of passives and causatives a...

Introduction Italian object clitics can be involved in nonlocal dependencies in the sense that they must/may appear on a verbal head of which they are not an argument. Two cases where this situation arises will be discussed: the first is due to the presence of an auxiliary verb and the second is triggered by the presence of a certain class of verbs that allows clitic climbing. An analysis will be proposed within the framework of Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar [ Pollard and Sag, 1987; Pollard and Sag, 1993 ] ; it can be shown that an analysis in terms of nonlocal features and the Nonlocal Feature Principle, which is the mechanism provided by HPSG to deal with nonlocal dependencies, does not provide a satisfactory account of the phenomenon; it is too powerful. An alternative approach will be proposed; it is based on the idea that the arguments of a verb which is governed by an auxiliary or clitic climbing trigger verb can be raised to become arguments of the governor by a

In this paper, motivations are presented to argue in favor of the affixal status of Romanian pronominal clitics. It will be suggested that they should not be considered lexical items, i.e. ‘signs’, which are located in a special position by rules of syntax, but a complex of syntactic and semantic information which is provided in the lexicon for the morphophonologicalrealization of the cliticized verb form. Appropriate constraints are proposed to relate this bundle of features which is present on verbs to the actual phonological realization of the clitics. Clitics are thus the ‘spell-out ’ of certain morphosyntactic features of the verb. It will be shown that this morphophonologicalapproach can provide an answer to certain peculiar facts about Romanian clitic climbing. The analysis presented thus provides a comprehensive account of Romanian cliticization since it deals both with the morphophonological properties and with the syntax of Romanian clitics. 1

this paper rely on arg-st (see Przepi'orkowski and Kup's'c (1997) and Przepi'orkowski (1996b, 1995) respectively). Verb Clusters without negation: