It is nowadays generally agreed that a person's information seeking depends on her tasks and the problems encountered in performing them. The relationships of broad job types and information seeking characteristics have been analyzed both conceptually and empirically, mostly through questionnaires after task performance rather than during task performance. In this article, the relationships of task complexity, necessary information types, information channels and sources are analyzed at the task level on the basis of a qualitative investigation. Tasks were categorized in five complexity classes and information into problem information, domain information and problem solving information. Moreover, several classifications of information channels and sources were utilized. The data were collected in a public administration setting through diaries, which were written during task performance, and questionnaires. The findings were structured into work charts for each task and summarized in qualitative process description tables for each task complexity category. Quantitative indices further summarizing the results were also computed. The findings indicate systematic and logical relationships between task complexity, types of information, information channels and sources.

This natural experiment investigates the introduction and use of a pair of competing video telephone systems in a company over a period of 18 months. Both quantitative, time-series analyses and in-depth interviews demonstrate that employees adopted and used the video systems for both utility and normative reasons. Consistent with utility explanations, people in the most communication-intensive jobs were the most likely to use video telephony. Consistent with social influence explanations, people used a particular system more when more people in general were using it and when more people in their work group were using it. There were two conceptually distinct, but empirically entangled, types of social influence. First, use by other people changed the objective benefits and costs associated with using the systems, and thus their utility. Second, use by others changed the normative environment surrounding the new technology. Both utility and normative influences were stronger in one's primary work group. Implementers, users, and researchers should consider both utility and normative factors influencing both the success and failure of new organizational communication systems.

Abstract—Understanding the communication process in product development organizations has been recognized as a key element to improve product development performance. It is particularly interesting to study information exchanges in geographically distributed product development teams because of the highly interdependent nature of design organizations. Additionally, the use of electronic-based communication media has changed how development teams communicate. By studying the way product development teams use various communication media (face-to-face, telephone, and e-mail), we assess how the process of exchanging technical information is influenced by factors such as geographic dispersion, organizational bonds, and degree of team interdependence. We present a model that allows us to formulate several hypotheses about how these factors influence both communication frequency and media choice. We use empirical evidence from the telecommunications industry to test our hypotheses. We confirm previous results about the obstructive influence of distance on technical communication. However, we found that such negative effects may be mitigated by other factors such as the recognizing of highly interdependent team members, the existence of strong organizational bonds, and the use of electronic communication media. Index Terms—Electronic-based communication, geographically distributed product development, media use, organizational bonds, team interdependence, technical communication. I.

While surprisingly little has been written about context at a meaningful level, context is central to most theoretical approaches to information seeking. In this essay I explore in more detail three senses of context. First, I look at context as equivalent to the situation in which a process is immersed. Second, I discuss contingency approaches that detail active ingredients of the situation that have specific, predictable effects. Third, I examine major frameworks for meaning systems. Then, I discuss how a deeper appreciation of context can enhance our understanding of the process of information seeking by examining two vastly different contexts in which it occurs: organizational and cancer-related, an exemplar of everyday life information seeking. This essay concludes with a discussion of the value that can be added to information seeking research and theory as a result of a deeper appreciation of context, particularly in terms of our current multi-contextual environment and individuals taking an active role in contextualizing.

Organizing depends on the integration of specialized knowledge that lies distributed across individuals. There are benefits from specialization, and, yet, the integration of knowledge across boundaries is critical for organizational vitality. How do organizations benefit from knowledge that lies in different domains without having to transfer knowledge? This paper describes results of two exploratory ethnographic studies of knowledge integration in industrial research organizations. It introduces a knowledge integration mechanism- ‘thinking along ’ – that has not received much attention by researchers before. Thinking along is a mechanism that allows for knowledge integration without the need for transfer. As a consequence, benefits of specialization obtain even as knowledge from one domain informs knowledge from another. The paper describes how researchers use thinking along to integrate knowledge within and across boundaries. It concludes with implications for knowledge management and future research.

Despite much research, debate continues about the impact of risk taking on a firm’s future performance. Unlike prior studies, we propose that risk-return relationships evolve as firms age and learn, particularly in high-velocity settings where accumulated knowledge affects how firms respond to technological change. Discerning this requires three things absent from prior analyses: (1) studying an entire population; (2) modeling evolutionary processes; and (3) using separate models to capture how a firm’s gains and losses (i.e., its strong and weak performances) unfold across time. Using this framework, we found that (a) risk-return relationships generally evolved from positive to negative as firms aged; because (b) firms learned to avoid large losses at younger ages than they learned to sustain large gains; yet (c) the risk taking that followed below-aspiration performance moderated those effects such that major setbacks prompted large future gains and large future losses among older firms and downward spirals among younger ones. 1 Relationships between risk and return are central to our lives. In the hope of emotional or monetary rewards, some people take risks by climbing mountains, changing employers, or switching careers. Some executives take risks in pursuit of better pay and enhanced reputations, and some firms pursue risky strategies in a quest for higher sales and profits.

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