We propose that humans are adapted to transfer knowledge to, and receive knowledge from, conspecifics by teaching. This adaptation, which we call 'pedagogy', involves the emergence of a special communication system that does not presuppose either language or high-level theory of mind, but could itself provide a basis facilitating the development of these human-specific abilities both in phylogenetic and ontogenetic terms. We speculate that tool manufacturing and mediated tool use made the evolution of such a new social learning mechanism necessary. However, the main body of evidence supporting this hypothesis comes from developmental psychology. We argue that many central phenomena of human infant social cognition that may seem puzzling in the light of their standard functional explanation can be more coherently and plausibly interpreted as reflecting the adaptations to receive knowledge from social partners through teaching.

To learn a language, the learners must first learn its words, the essential building blocks for utterances. The difficulty in learning words lies in the unavailability of explicit word boundaries in speech input. The learners have to infer lexical items with some innately endowed learning mechanism(s) for regularity detection- regularities in the speech normally indicate word patterns. With respect to Zipf's least-effort principle and Chomsky's thoughts on the minimality of grammar for human language, we hypothesise a cognitive mechanism underlying language learning that seeks for the least-effort representation for input data. Accordingly, lexical learning is to infer the minimal-cost representation for the input under the constraint of permissible representation for lexical items. The main theme of this thesis is to examine how far this learning mechanism can go in unsupervised lexical learning from real language data without any pre-defined (e.g., prosodic and phonotactic) cues, but entirely resting on statistical induction of structural patterns for the most economic representation for the data. We first review

It is often asserted that young children’s word learning is guided by constraints or internal biases. Constraints are broadly described as ‘‘any factor that favors some possibilities over others’ ’ (Medin et al., 1990). Researchers have argued that specialized lexical constraints cause children to make some inferences about word meanings before others. An analysis shows that the concept constraint is not informative because it does not differentiate a circumscribed set of word learning behaviors. Defining constraints as innate and domain-specific does not remedy this problem. We cannot separate the effects of so-called constraints or biases from a wide range of cognitive and contextual influences on children’s inferences about novel word meanings. This conclusion is supported by a selective review of these influences. The summary highlights our need for an explanatory framework that is sufficiently rich to capture the flexibility and diversity of children’s word learning. The core of such a framework is summarized as a set of general characteristics of human word learning. These characteristics must serve as a starting point for any viable theory of word learning. Prescriptions for future development of a viable framework are suggested. © 2000 Academic Press Word learning 1 is a complex and intractable problem for which researchers have offered a seemingly simple and powerful solution. The problem is that preschoolers ’ prolific acquisition of new words (averaging a half dozen per day; Carey, 1978) seems impossible given the radical indeterminacy of word meanings. A novel word has an indefinite number of possible meanings, and it is unlikely that children regularly receive information that unambiguously specifies a single meaning. Yet children often infer new words ’ correct or Preparation of the manuscript was supported by a postdoctoral fellowship from the Spencer

The sound pattern of the language(s) we have heard as infants affects the way in which we perceive linguistic sounds as adults. Typically, some foreign sounds are very difficult to perceive accurately, even after extensive training. For instance, native speakers of French have troubles distinguishing foreign words that differ only in the position of main stress, French being a language in which stress is not contrastive.

In 5 experiments, the authors investigated how listeners learn to recognize unfamiliar talkers and how experience with specific utterances generalizes to novel instances. Listeners were trained over several days to identify 10 talkers from natural, sinewave, or reversed speech sentences. The sinewave signals preserved phonetic and some suprasegmental properties while eliminating natural vocal quality. In contrast, the reversed speech signals preserved vocal quality while distorting temporally based phonetic properties. The training results indicate that listeners learned to identify talkers even from acoustic signals lacking natural vocal quality. Generalization performance varied across the different signals and depended on the salience of phonetic information. The results suggest similarities in the phonetic attributes underlying talker recognition and phonetic perception. When a talker produces an utterance, the listener simultaneously apprehends the linguistic form of the message as well as the nonlinguistic attributes of the talker’s unique vocal anatomy and pronunciation habits. Anatomical and stylistic differences in articulation convey an array of personal or indexical

If one was to ask a lay person to describe a symptom of a language disorder, the typical answer would probably focus on a phonological error (“wabbit ” for rabbit); on a problem related to academic performance, such as difficulty in learning to read; or on a specific named disorder that is associated also with deficits in areas other than language, such as autism-spectrum

This study has two distinct, complementary aims. The first is to outline the empirical scope of phonotactic theory, the theory of speakers ’ knowledge of possible and impossible (or likely and unlikely) words, and to put forth a simple hypothesis for the architectural underlying this knowledge. The second is to argue that the increasingly popular view of phonotactics and phonotactic learning as a type of statistical inference is incapable of accounting for the facts of this domain. 1 The empirical scope of phonotactic theory 1.1 Wordlikeness judgements

This study has two distinct, complementary aims. The first is to outline the empirical scope of phonotactic theory, the theory of speakers ’ knowledge of possible and impossible (or likely and unlikely) words, and to put forth a simple hypothesis for the architectural underlying this knowledge. The second is to argue that the increasingly popular view of phonotactics and phonotactic learning as a type of statistical inference is incapable of accounting for the facts of this domain. 1 The empirical scope of phonotactic theory 1.1 Wordlikeness judgements