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Designed for use as a textbook, this paper provides a data-motivated, step-by-step introduction to the main tenets of Government and Binding theory of syntax as developed by Noam Chomsky. An overview of the theory is followed by sections on subcategorization, X-bar theory, movement, semantic roles, case theory, and binding theory. A number of the more recent additions proposed by other linguists, such as the DP hypothesis and the split structure for Infl, are covered in the final section. The data used is primarily English,

The varieties of mathematical basis for formalizing linguistic theories are more diverse than is commonly realized. For example, the later work of Zellig Harris might well suggest a formalization in terms of CATE-

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linguistic universals, linguistic invariants, language variation We present a brief, informal overview of a formal approach to grammatical variation developed in K&S (Keenan and Stabler 2003), to which we refer the reader for proofs and other formal statements. Our purpose here is to show how we can formulate structural universals of grammar given grammars that are structurally distinct in relevant respects. 1 The One and the Many A central quest in syntactic theory is to reconcile the audible diversity of natural languages (NLs) with the claim that they have a common, biologically determined, form. 1.1 The one Mainstream syntactic theory (MST) from Chomsky (1957) to Bošković and Lasnik (2007) attempts this reconciliation by building it into the form of individual expressions which must satisfy general constraints on rules/derivations and representations. For a core expression X of L, MST asks “What is the structure of X? ” The

Tseltal (Mayan, Southern Mexico) exhibits vowel/zero alternations in both nominal domain and in stems derived from positional roots: (1) a. Nominal iʃim ~ iʃmal

objects in ditransitive constructions, has been identified in many languages (cf. Haspelmath 2004). In this paper I present novel data from Tseltal, an ergative language, showing that Tseltal exhibits PCC restriction not only in ditransitive clauses, but also, unexpectedly, in a class of non-finite complements lacking an indirect object. I present an account of Tseltal PCC effects using multiple-agree account of PCC (Anagnostopoulou 2003; Anagnostopoulou 2005; Béjar and Rezac 2003). I argue that ergative case in Tseltal is a kind of inherent case following

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