In this article we develop a semantic typology of gradable predicates, with special emphasis on deverbal adjectives. We argue for the linguistic relevance of this typology by demonstrating that the distribution and interpretation of degree modifiers is sensitive to its two major classificatory parameters: (1) whether a gradable predicate is associated with what we call an open or closed scale, and (2) whether the standard of comparison for the applicability of the predicate is absolute or relative to a context. We further showthat the classification of an important subclass of adjectives within the typology is largely predictable. Specifically, the scale structure of a deverbal gradable adjective correlates either with the algebraic part structure of the event denoted by its source verb or with the part structure of the entities to which the adjective applies. These correlations underscore the fact that gradability is characteristic not only of adjectives but also of verbs and nouns, and that scalar properties are shared by categorially distinct but derivationally related expressions.* 1. DEGREE MODIFICATION IN DEVERBAL GRADABLE ADJECTIVES. Among the many observations made in Bolinger’s (1972) classic study of degree expressions in English, two stand out. First, degree modifiers in English have distributions that cannot be given

this paper is about the dynamic behavior of gradable adjectives in general (tall, red, 1

This paper studies a distinction that was proposed in previous works between total and partial adjectives. In pairs of adjectives such as safe-dangerous, clean-dirty and healthy-sick, the first ("total") adjective describes lack of danger, dirt, malady etc., while the second ("partial") adjective describes the existence of such properties. It is shown

this paper at all. Discussions with Edit Doron while I was a guest at the Center for Advanced Studies at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem in January 1998 were crucial to the development of some of the ideas contained in this paper

This paper presents a novel semantic analysis of the English resultative construction that crucially models telicity (aspectual boundedness) in terms of the event-argument homomorphism model (Krifka, 1998, inter alia) rather than the commonly assumed result state model (Dowty, 1979). This assumption, together with recent insights on the semantics of scalar adjectives (Hay et al., 1999; Kennedy, 1999; Kennedy and McNally, 1999), leads us to an explanation for a myriad of facts. Corpus data from Boas (2000) strongly support our conclusions. The central idea of this analysis is that resultatives involve an abstract ‘path’ argument corresponding to degrees along the scale denoted by the resultative predicate. This approach is broadly consonant with conclusions reached independently in other recent work. This independent evidence includes the cross-linguistic parallels between resultatives and locative paths observed by Beck and Snyder (2001); Vanden Wyngaerd’s

Abstract not found

This paper presents a novel semantic analysis of the English resultative construction that crucially models telicity (aspectual boundedness) in terms of the event-argument homomorphism model (Krifka, 1998, inter alia) rather than the commonly assumed result state model (Dowty, 1979). This assumption, together with recent insights on the semantics of scalar adjectives (Hay et al., to appear; Kennedy, 1999; Kennedy and McNally, to appear), leads us to an explanation for a myriad of facts that have heretofore resisted analysis, despite extensive research spanning two decades. Corpus data from Boas (2000) strongly support our conclusions

Abstract not found

Motion Resultatives, and change-of-state predicates in general, are often metaphorically analyzed in terms of "movement" along paths (Gruber, 1965, Jackendoff, 1976, 1983, 1996, Krifka, 1998, Talmy, 2000). Specifically this can be done by positing path arguments and MRs for all verbs of (potential) change-of-state. Non-motion change of state verbs (e.g. dry, shine, batter, etc.) have abstract path arguments corresponding to the scales upon which the change of state occurs. Other non-stative verbs (e.g. squirm, rub, kick, etc.) have abstract path arguments corresponding to potential changes of state that aren't lexically entailed but implied (i.e. indefinite changes of state). Although such predicates don't lexically encode a definite change of state they do encode potential change of state, and these changes of state may be further defined, e.g. by resultatives as in rub to a shine (Tenny, 1992).

While French degree words have been assigned several syntactic categories, we show that they are rather highy ‘polymorphic ’ adverbs (they occur in all syntactic domains), which select the expression they modify on a purely semantic basis. Like French adverbs in general, they occur both to the left and to the right of the head they modify. Following previous work (a.o. van Noord and Bouma 1994, Abeillé and Godard 1997, Bouma et al. 2000), we assign them two different grammatical functions, adjuncts and complements. Semantically, they differ from quantifiers. We follow Kennedy (2000) who analyzes them as scalar predicate modifiers. Finally, the specific syntactic constraints that characterize a subset of them can be shown to follow from, or be related to, their weight properties (Abeillé and Godard 2000). We conclude that their apparently idiosyncratic properties fit into a more general theory of grammar.