Market e#ciency survives the challenge from the literature on long-term return anomalies. Consistent with the market e#ciency hypothesis that the anomalies are chance results, apparent overreaction to information is about as common as underreaction, and post-event continuation of pre-event abnormal returns is about as frequent as post-event reversal. Most important, consistent with the market e#ciency prediction that apparent anomalies can be due to methodology, most long-term return anomalies tend to disappear with reasonable changes in technique. # 1998 Elsevier Science S.A. All rights reserved.

Recent empirical research in finance has uncovered two families of pervasive regularities: underreaction of stock prices to news such as earnings announcements, and overreaction of stock prices to a series of good or bad news. In this paper, we present a parsimonious model of investor sentiment, or of how investors form beliefs, which is consistent with the empirical findings. The model is based on psychological evidence and produces both underreaction and overreaction for a wide range of parameter values. � 1998 Elsevier Science S.A. All rights reserved. JEL classification: G12; G14

We model a market populated by two groups of boundedly rational agents: “newswatchers” and “momentum traders.” Each newswatcher observes some private information, but fails to extract other newswatchers’ information from prices. If information diffuses gradually across the population, prices underreact in the short run. The underreaction means that the momentum traders can profit by trendchasing. However, if they can only implement simple (i.e., univariate) strategies, their attempts at arbitrage must inevitably lead to overreaction at long horizons. In addition to providing a unified account of under- and overreactions, the model generates several other distinctive implications.

Various theories have been proposed to explain momentum in stock returns. We test the gradual-information-diffusion model of Hong and Stein (1999) and establish three key results. First, once one moves past the very smallest stocks, the profitability of momentum strategies declines sharply with firm size. Second, holding size fixed, momentum strategies work better among stocks with low analyst coverage. Finally, the effect of analyst coverage is greater for stocks that are past losers than for past winners. These findings are consistent with the hypothesis that firm-specific information, especially negative information, diffuses only gradually across the investing public. SEVERAL RECENT PAPERS HAVE DOCUMENTED that, at medium-term horizons ranging from three to 12 months, stock returns exhibit momentum-that is, past winners continue to perform well, and past losers continue to perform poorly. For example, Jegadeesh and Titman (1993), using a U.S. sample of NYSE/ AMEX stocks over the period from 1965 to 1989, find that a strategy that buys past six-month winners (stocks in the top performance decile) and shorts past six-month losers (stocks in the bottom performance decile) earns approximately one percent per month over the subsequent six months. Not only is this an economically interesting magnitude, but the result also appears to be robust: Rouwenhorst (1998) obtains very similar numbers in a

People are overconfident. Overconfidence affects financial markets. How depends on who in the market is overconfident and on how information is distributed. This paper examines markets in which price-taking traders, a strategic-trading insider, and risk-averse marketmakers are overconfident. Overconfidence increases expected trading volume, increases market depth, and decreases the expected utility of overconfident traders. Its effect on volatility and price quality depend on who is overconfident. Overconfident traders can cause markets to underreact to the information of rational traders. Markets also underreact to abstract, statistical, and highly relevant information, and they overreact to salient, anecdotal, and less relevant information. MODELS OF FINANCIAL MARKETS are often extended by incorporating the imperfections that we observe in real markets. For example, models may not consider transactions costs, an important feature of real markets; so Constantinides ~1979!, Leland ~1985!, and others incorporate transactions costs into their models. Just as the observed features of actual markets are incorporated into models, so too are the observed traits of economic agents. In 1738 Daniel Bernoulli noted that people behave as if they are risk averse. Prior to Bernoulli most scholars considered it normative behavior to value a gamble at its expected value. Today, economic models usually assume agents are risk averse, though, for tractability, they are also modeled as risk neutral. In reality, people are not always risk averse or even risk neutral; millions of people engage in regular risk-seeking activity, such as buying lottery tickets. Kahne-

I review empirical research on the relation between capital markets and financial statements.The principal sources of demand for capital markets research in accounting are fundamental analysis and valuation, tests of market efficiency, and the role of accounting numbers in contracts and the political process.The capital markets research topics of current interest to researchers include tests of market efficiency with respect to accounting information, fundamental analysis, and value relevance of financial reporting.Evidence from research on these topics is likely to be helpful in capital market investment decisions, accounting standard setting, and corporate financial

Recent literature in empirical finance is surveyed in its relation to underlying behavioral principles, principles which come primarily from psychology, sociology and anthropology. The behavioral principles discussed are: prospect theory, regret and cognitive dissonance, anchoring, mental compartments, overconfidence, over- and underreaction, representativeness heuristic, the disjunction effect, gambling behavior and speculation, perceived irrelevance of history, magical thinking, quasi-magical thinking, attention anomalies, the availability heuristic, culture and social contagion, and global culture. Theories of human behavior from psychology, sociology, and anthropology have helped motivate much recent empirical research on the behavior of financial markets. In this paper I will survey both some of the most significant theories (for empirical finance) in these other social sciences and the empirical finance literature itself. Particular attention will be paid to the implications of these theories for the efficient markets hypothesis in finance. This is the hypothesis that financial prices efficiently incorporate all public

Using a comprehensive database of headlines about individual companies, I examine monthly returns following public news. I compare them to stocks with similar returns, but no identifiable public news. There is a di#erence between the two sets. I find strong drift after bad news. Investors seem to react slowly to this information. I also find reversal after extreme price movements unaccompanied by public news. The separate patterns appear even after adjustments for risk exposure and other e#ects. They are, however, mainly seen in smaller, more illiquid stocks. These findings support some integrated theories of investor over- and underreaction.

Richardson were especially helpful on this manuscript. Thanks to Deepak Agrawal for computational assistance and thoughtful comments. I would also like to thank Yakov Amihud, Anthony Lynch, Jennifer Carpenter, Paul Wachtel and Cliff Green for their comments and help. As always, none of the aforementioned are responsible for any opinions expressed or any errors. 1 One of the fundamental issues in finance is what are the factors that affect expected return on assets, the sensitivity of expected return to these factors, and the reward for bearing this sensitivity. There is a long history of testing in this area, and it is clearly one of the most investigated areas in finance. Almost all of the testing I am aware of involves using realized returns as a proxy for expected returns. The use of average realized returns as a proxy for expected returns relies on a belief that information surprises tend to cancel out over the period of the study and realized returns are therefore an unbiased estimate of expected returns. However, I believe that there is ample evidence that this belief is misplaced. There are periods longer than ten years where stock market realized returns are on average less than the risk-free rate (1973 to 1984). There are periods longer than fifty years in which risky long-term bonds on average underperformed the risk free

We review extensive evidence about how psychological biases affect investor behavior and prices. Systematic mispricing probably causes substantial resource misallocation. We argue that limited attention and overconfidence cause investor credulity about the strategic incentives of informed market participants. However, individuals as political participants remain subject to the biases and self-interest they exhibit in private settings. Indeed, correcting contemporaneous market pricing errors is probably not government’s relative advantage. Government and private planners should establish rules ex ante to improve choices and efficiency, including disclosure, reporting, advertising, and default-option-setting regulations. Especially