Abstract not found

Recent work has argued that phonology includes grammatical principles and representations that refer to the temporal coordination of gestures (Gafos 2001, 2002). In this paper, we extend this line of work by arguing that the distribution of phonetically long consonants in English derives from general

Neutral vowels are vowels that may intervene between the trigger and target of a harmony pattern even when they bear the opposite value for the harmonizing feature. Despite the significant body of work on and the crucial role of vowel harmony in phonological theory, surprisingly little attention has been devoted to the low-level phonetic properties of neutral vowels. We examine a prototypical example of neutrality from Hungarian vowel harmony by comparing tongue dorsum location for the phonemically invariant neutral vowels like [í] in different harmonic contexts-- a back context where the neutral vowel appears between two back vowels, and a front context where the neutral vowel appears between two front vowels. Observed differences in tongue dorsum location are linked to independent results on the quantal relation between articulation and sound and may provide a phonetic basis for the phenomenon of neutrality in vowel harmony. 1.

A fundamental problem in spoken language is the duality between the continuous aspects of phonetic performance and the discrete aspects of phonological competence. We study a specific instance of this problem in Hungarian vowel harmony. We present a model where continuous phonetic distinctions uncovered by our experiments are linked to the discreteness of phonological form using the mathematics of nonlinear dynamics. Key words: vowel harmony; phonetics-phonology relation; non-linear dynamics; Hungarian. 1

The motivation of this paper is to build a bridge between phonology and phonetics with implementation models. The challenge is to explain a wide range of phonetic forms in diverse speaking styles, including laboratory speech, spontaneous speech, fluent and non-fluent speech and model them as orderly variations of one coherent communication system. In the paper, we will focus on the effect of sentence planning on articulatory gestures. Data from spontaneous speech provides strong evidence for anticipatory effects and partial reduction effects. How and when they occur reflect the speaker’s sentence planning strategies. It is hypothesized that much of the discrepancy between laboratory speech and spontaneous speech can be accounted for with a model that can represent these effects, such as the weights used in the Stem-ML model.

This study examines the movement trajectories of the dorsal tongue movements during symmetrical /VCa /-sequences, where /V / was one of the Hungarian long or short vowels /i,a,u / and C either the voiceless palatal or velar stop consonants. General aims of this study were to deliver a data-driven account for (a) the evidence of the division between dorsality and coronality and (b) for the potential role coarticulatory factors could play for the relative frequency of velar palatalization processes in genetically unrelated languages. Results suggest a clear-cut demarcation between the behaviour of purely dorsal velars and the coronal palatals. Morevover, factors arising from a general movement economy might contribute to the palatalization processes mentioned. 1

This paper investigates the interplay between phonetic (coarticulatory) and phonological (structural) factors surrounding two of the best-studied and most complex changes in Germanic, umlaut and the High German Consonant Shift. These well-studied data sets form the springboard for our primary thesis that the boundary between phonetics

this paper, we will argue that this distinction is untenable. We will see that coarticulation can affect the distribution of contrasts, and therefore must be specified in the phonology. This opens up the possibility of giving a unified analysis of assimilation and coarticulation. Analyzing coarticulation as phonological implies that phonological representations contain far more phonetic detail than is usually assumed to be the case. Vowel-to-vowel coarticulation involves fine degrees of partial assimilation in that vowels assimilate only partially in quality, and the effects may extend through only part of the duration of a segment (e.g hman 1966). This conclusion thus flies in the face of the standard assumption that the richness of phonological representations should be severely restricted in order to avoid over-predicting the range of possible phonological contrasts. So before we turn to evidence that coarticulation is phonological, we will lay the groundwork by examining the arguments for limiting the detail in phonological representations and show that they are based on very questionable assumptions.

nition, and is undesirable even in generationsbased applications, such as textto -speech. However, this has not preveuted the pearance of a nmnber of "linguistic rule compilers" such as Van Leenwen's (1987, 1989) and Hertzs sys.- rems. The basic operations of a transformational gram mar -- deletion, insertion, permutation, and copying -- are apparently empirically instantiated by such well-established phonological phenemona as elision, epenthesis, metathesis, assimilation and coarticula- tion. Copying (i): Assimilation e.g. I ran [n] ran quickly [ ] rtule: n-u/ {k,g} [I)] denotes back-of-tongue (velar) nasal closure e.g. 2 sandwich [samwit f] Rule: n - m/ {p,b,w etc.) 79 Copying (ii): Coarticulation e.g. keep cool cart [_k] denotes advanced articulation denotes lip-rounding denotes retracted articulation Insertion: Epenthesis e.g, mince [mints] pence [pents] Rule: ns- nts Deletion: Elision e.g. sandwich [sanWit f] Rule: nd -- n Permutation: Metathesis e.g. burnt

Keywords: 1. Ii8 ODUCTIl It is twelfth-century Japan, and a nobleman has been killed.