It is commonly assumed that innate linguistic constraints are necessary to learn a natural language, based on the apparent lack of explicit negative evidence provided to children and on Gold's proof that, under assumptions of virtually arbitrary positive presentation, most interesting classes of languages are not learnable. However, Gold's results do not apply under the rather common assumption that language presentation may be modeled as a stochastic process. Indeed, Elman (Elman, J.L., 1993. Learning and development in neural networks: the importance of starting small. Cognition 48, 71--99) demonstrated that a simple recurrent connectionist network could learn an artificial grammar with some of the complexities of English, including embedded clauses, based on performing a word prediction task within a stochastic environment. However, the network was successful only when either embedded sentences were initially withheld and only later introduced gradually, or when the network itself was given initially limited memory which only gradually improved. This finding has been taken as support for Newport's `less is more' proposal, that child language acquisition may be aided rather than hindered by limited cognitive resources. The current article reports on connectionist simulations which indicate, to the contrary, that starting with simplified inputs or limited memory is not necessary in training recurrent networks to learn pseudonatural languages; in fact, such restrictions hinder acquisition as the languages are made more English-like by the introduction of semantic as well as syntactic constraints. We suggest that, under a statistical model of the language environment, Gold's theorem and the possible lack of explicit negative evidence do not implicate i...

It is well attested that we perceive speech through the filter of our native language: a classic example is that of Japanese listeners who cannot discriminate between the American /l/ and /r/ and identify both as their own /r/ phoneme (Goto, H., 1971. Neuropsychologia 9, 317-323.). Studies in the laboratory have shown, however, that perception of non-native speech sounds can be learned through training (Lively, S.E., Pisoni, D.B., Yamada, R.A., Tohkura, Y.I., Yamada, T., 1994. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 96 (4), 2076-2087). This is consistent with neurophysiological evidence showing considerable experience-dependent plasticity in the brain at the first levels of sensory processing (Edeline, J.-M., Weinberger, N.M., 1993. Behavioral Neuroscience 107, 82103; Merzenich, M.M., Sameshima, K., 1993. Current Opinion in Neurobiology 3, 187-196; Weinberger, N.M., 1993. Current Opinion in Neurobiology 3, 577-579; Kraus, N., McGee, T., Carrel, T.D., King, C., Tremblay, K., Nicol, T., 1995. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience 7 (1), 25-32). Outside of the laboratory, however, the situation seems to differ: we here report a study involving Spanish-Catalan bilingual subjects who have had the best opportunities to learn a new contrast but did not do it. Our study demonstrates a striking lack of behavioral plasticity: early and extensive exposure to a second language is not sufficient to attain the ultimate phonological competence of native speakers

This study demonstrates that listeners use lexical knowledge in perceptual learning of speech sounds. Dutch listeners first made lexical decisions on Dutch words and nonwords. The final fricative of 20 critical words had been replaced by an ambiguous sound, between [f] and [s]. One group of listeners heard ambiguous [f]-final words (e.g., [WI WItlo?], from witlof, chicory) and unambiguous [s]-final words (e.g., naaldbos, pine forest). Another group heard the reverse (e.g., ambiguous [na:ldbo?], unambiguous witlof). Listeners who had heard [?] in [f]-final words were subsequently more likely to categorize ambiguous sounds on an [f]–[s] continuum as [f] than those who heard [?] in [s]-final words. Control conditions ruled out alternative explanations based on selective adaptation and contrast. Lexical information can thus be used to train categorization of speech. This use of lexical information differs from the on-line lexical feedback embodied in interactive models of speech perception. In contrast to online feedback, lexical feedback for learning is of benefit to spoken word recognition (e.g., in

Chomsky and Halle (1968) and many formal linguists rely on the notion of a universally available phonetic space defined in discrete time. This assumption plays a central role in phonological theory. Discreteness at the phonetic level guarantees the discreteness of all other levels of language. But decades of phonetics research demonstrate that there exists no universal inventory of phonetic objects. We discuss three kinds of evidence: first, phonologies differ incommensurably. Second, some phonetic characteristics of languages depend on intrinsically temporal patterns, and, third, some linguistic sound categories within a language are different from each other despite a high degree of overlap that precludes distinctness. Linguistics has mistakenly presumed that speech can always be spelled with letter-like tokens. A variety of implications of these conclusions for research in phonology are discussed.* The generative paradigm of language description (Chomsky 1964, 1965, Chomsky & Halle 1968) has dominated linguistic thinking in the United States for many years. Its specific claims about the phonetic basis of linguistic analysis still provide the cornerstone of most linguistic research. Many criticisms have been raised against the phonetic claims of the Sound pattern of English (Chomsky & Halle 1968), some from early on

This paper is organized around two main endeavours. On the one hand, we examine currently available Computer Assisted Pronunciation Training (CAPT) systems with a view to establishing whether they meet pedagogically sound requirements. In this respect, we show that many commercial systems tend to prefer technological novelties to the detriment of pedagogical criteria that could benefit the learner more. On the other hand, we more narrowly focus on the crucial issue of computer-generated feedback, which still represents a big challenge for state-of-the-art CAPT technology and discuss its impact on learning. In the final part of the paper, we present the PROO project (Programma voor Onderwijsonderzoek), which is aimed at establishing the effects of erroneous feedback on the acquisition of L2 pronunciation.

Two experiments investigated the effectiveness of computer-assisted prosody training, its generalization to novel sentences and segmental accuracy, and the relationship between prosodic and lexical information in long-term memory. Experiment 1, using a pretest-posttest design, provided native English-speaking learners of French with 3 weeks of training focused on prosody using a real-time computerized pitch display. Multiple exemplars produced by native speakers (NSs) of French and stored on hard disk provided training feedback. Learners ' recorded pre- and posttest productions were presented to NSs for evaluation in two conditions: filtered (unintelligible segmental information) and unfiltered. Ratings using 7-point scales for the prosody and segmental accuracy of unfiltered samples revealed significant improvement in prosody with generalization to segmental production and novel sentences. Comparison of prosody ratings for filtered and unfiltered samples revealed some segmental influence on the pretest ratings of prosody. In Experiment 2, involving a memory recall task using filtered stimuli of reduced intelligibility, learners identified the exact lexical content of an average of 80 % of the training sentences based on prosodic cues consistent with exemplar-based learning models. Questionnaire

A series of arguments is presented showing that words are not stored in memory in a way that resembles the abstract, phonological code used by alphabetical orthographies or by linguistic analysis. Words are stored in a very concrete, detailed auditory code that includes nonlinguistic information including speaker’s voice properties and other details. Thus, memory for language resembles an exemplar memory and abstract descriptions (using letter-like units and speaker-invariant features) are probably computed on the fly whenever needed. One consequence of this hypothesis is that the study of phonology should be the study of generalizations across the speech of a community and that such a description will employ units (segments, syllable types, prosodic patterns, etc.) that are not necessarily employed as units in speakers’ memory for language. That is, the psychological units of language are not useful for description of linguistic generalizations and linguistic generalizations across a community are not useful for storing the language for speaker use.

A novel study is presented that explores the effect that learning internally organized categories has on the ability to subsequently discriminate category members. The results demonstrate the classic categorical perception effect whereby discrimination of stimuli that belong to different categories is improved following training, while the ability to discriminate stimuli belonging to the same category is reduced. We further report a new within-category perceptual effect whereby

The results reported here support the claim that naturally occurring phonemic contrasts are easier to acquire than unnatural contrasts. Results are reported from two experiments in which English speakers were exposed to non-native phonemic categories using a bi-modal statistical frequency distribution modeled after Maye and Gerken (2000). Half of the participants heard a distribution in which the category boundary was that of the Jordanian Arabic uvular/pharyngeal contrast, while the other half heard a distribution with an unnatural category boundary. Immediately after exposure, participants completed an A-X delayed comparison task, where they were presented with stimuli that crossed category boundaries. Results indicated that participants in the natural training group responded “different ” to across-category pairs significantly more often than participants in the unnatural training group. 1.

In this paper, we examine the relationship between pedagogy and technology in Computer Assisted Pronunciation Training (CAPT) courseware. First, we will analyse available literature on second language pronunciation teaching and learning in order to derive some general guidelines for effective training. Second, we will present an appraisal of various CAPT systems with a view to establishing whether they meet pedagogical requirements. In this respect, we will show that many commercial systems tend to prefer technological novelties to the detriment of pedagogical criteria that could benefit the learner more. While examining the limitations of today's technology, we will consider possible ways to deal with these shortcomings. Finally, we will combine the information thus gathered to suggest some recommendations for future CAPT.