Deep dyslexia is an acquired reading disorder marked by the occurrence of semantic errors (e.g., reading RIVER as "ocean"). In addition, patients exhibit a number of other symptoms, including visual and morphological effects in their errors, a part-of-speech effect, and an advantage for concrete over abstract words. Deep dyslexia poses a distinct challenge for cognitive neuropsychology because there is little understanding of why such a variety of symptoms should co-occur in virtually all known patients. Hinton and Shallice (1991) replicated the co-occurrence of visual and semantic errors by lesioning a recurrent connectionist network trained to map from orthography to semantics. While the success of their simulations is encouraging, there is little understanding of what underlying principles are responsible for them. In this paper we evaluate and, where possible, improve on the most important design decisions made by Hinton and Shallice, relating to the task, the network architecture, the training procedure, and the testing procedure. We identify four properties of networks that underly their ability to reproduce the deep dyslexic symptom-complex: distributed orthographic and semantic representations, gradient descent learning, attractors for word meanings, and greater richness of concrete vs. abstract semantics. The first three of these are general connectionist principles and the last is based on earlier theorizing. Taken together, the results demonstrate the usefulness of a connectionist approach to understanding deep dyslexia in particular, and the viability of connectionist neuropsychology in general.

Many theorists assume that the cognitive system is composed of a collection of encapsulated processing components or modules, each dedicated to performing a particular cognitive function. On this view, selective impairments of cognitive tasks following brain damage, as evidenced by double dissociations, are naturally interpreted in terms of the loss of particular processing components. By contrast, the current investigation examines in detail a double dissociation between concrete and abstract word reading after damage to a connectionist network that pronounces words via meaning and yet has no separable components (Plaut & Shallice, 1993). The functional specialization in the network that gives rise to the double dissociation is not transparently related to the network's structure, as modular theories assume. Furthermore, a consideration of the distribution of effects across quantitatively equivalent individual lesions in the network raises specific concerns about the interpretation of...

Structural priming in language production is a tendency to recreate a recently uttered syntactic structure in different words. This tendency can be seen independent of specific lexical items, thematic roles, or word sequences. Two alternative proposals about the mechanism behind structural priming include (a) short-term activation from a memory representation of a priming structure and (b) longer term adaptation within the cognitive mechanisms for creating sentences, as a form of procedural learning. Two experiments evaluated these hypotheses, focusing on the persistence of structural priming. Both experiments yielded priming that endured beyond adjacent sentences, persisting over 2 intervening sentences in Experiment 1 and over 10 in Experiment 2. Although memory may have short-term consequences for some components of this kind of priming, the persisting effects are more compatible with a learning account than a transient memory account. Speakers repeat themselves. Sometimes their repetitions are intentional, made for emphasis or other stylistic and social purposes (Giles & Powesland, 1975; Tannen, 1987), and sometimes they are accidental. They may involve almost

Lexical access in object naming involves the activation of a set oflexical candidates, the selection of the appropriate (or target) item, and the phonological encoding of that item. Two views of lexical access in naming are compared. From one view, the 2-stage theory, phonological activation follows selection of the target item and is restricted to that item. From the other view, which is most explicit in activation-spreading theories, all activated lexical candidates are phonologically activated to some extent. A series of experiments is reported in which subjects performed acoustic lexical decision during object naming at different stimulus-onset asynchronies. The experiments show semantic activation of lexical candidates and phonological activation of the target item, but no phonological activation of other semantically activated items. This supports the 2-stage view. More-over, a mathematical model embodying the 2-stage view is fully compatible with the lexical deci-sion data obtained at different stimulus-onset asynchronies. One of a speaker's core skills is to lexicalize the concepts intended for expression. Lexicalization proceeds at a rate of two to three words per second in normal spontaneous speech, but doubling this rate is possible and not exceptional. The skill of

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Psycholinguistic research has shown that the influence of abstract syntactic knowledge on performance is shaped by particular sentences that have been experienced. To explore this idea, the authors applied a connectionist model of sentence production to the development and use of abstract syntax. The model makes use of (a) error-based learning to acquire and adapt sequencing mechanisms and (b) meaning–form mappings to derive syntactic representations. The model is able to account for most of what is known about structural priming in adult speakers, as well as key findings in preferential looking and elicited production studies of language acquisition. The model suggests how abstract knowledge and concrete experience are balanced in the development and use of syntax.

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The ability to combine words into novel sentences has been used to argue that humans have symbolic language production abilities. Critiques of connectionist models of language often center on the inability of these models to generalize symbolically (Fodor & Pylyshyn, 1988; Marcus, 1998). To address these issues, a connectionist model of sentence production was developed. The model had variables (role-concept bindings) that were inspired by spatial representations (Landau & Jackendoff, 1993). In order to take advantage of these variables, a novel dual-pathway architecture with event semantics is proposed and shown to be better at symbolic generalization than several variants. This architecture has one pathway for mapping message content to words and a separate pathway that enforces sequencing constraints. Analysis of the model’s hidden units demonstrated that the model learned different types of information in each pathway, and that the model’s compositional behavior arose from the combination of these two pathways. The model’s ability to balance symbolic and statistical behavior in syntax acquisition and to model aphasic double dissociations provided independent support for the dual-pathway architecture.

Z.Z. To explain processing differences between regular e.g., startrstarted and irregular e.g., thinkrthought word formation linguistic models posit either a single mechanism handling both morphological clusters or separate mechanisms for regular and irregular words. The purpose of the present study is to investigate how these processing differences map onto brain processes by assessing electrophysiological Z. effects of English past tense forms, using the repetition priming paradigm. Event-related brain potentials ERPs were recorded from 59 scalp sites as 19 subjects read stem forms of regular and irregular verbs from a list of 1152 words; the stem forms were either preceded Z. Z. Z. 5--9 intervening items by their past tense forms sprimed condition or by past tense forms of unrelated verbs sunprimed condition . The difference between the ERPs to the primed and unprimed stems was taken as a measure of morphological priming. We found that the ERPs to regular verbs were clearly different from those to irregular verbs: the former were associated with an N400 reduction in the primed condition; primed irregular verb stems, however, showed no such effect. Control conditions demonstrated that the N400 Z. modulation for regular verbs cannot be attributed to formal i.e., phonological or orthographical priming. These ERP effects indicate that regular verbs serve as more powerful primes for their corresponding stem forms than irregular past tense forms, suggesting that regular Z. but not irregular past tense forms may be decomposed into stem plus affix. q 1999 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved.