The paper proposes a theory relating syntax, semantics, and intonational prosody, and covering a wide range of English intonational tunes and their semantic interpretation in terms of focus and information structure. The theory is based on a version of combinatory categorial grammar which directly pairs phonological and logical forms without intermediary representational levels.

tem of rewrite rules or "productions" like (2), which have their origin in early work in recursion theory by Post, among others. (1) Dexter likes Warren. (2) S ! NP VP VP ! TV NP TV ! flikes;sees; : : :g Categorial Grammar (CG), together with its close cousin Dependency Grammar (which also originated in the 1950s, in work by Tesniere) stems from an alternative approach to context-free grammar pioneered by Bar-Hillel 1953 and Lambek 1958, with earlier antecedents in Ajdukiewicz 1935 and still earlier work by Husserl and Russell in category theory and the theory of types. Categorial Grammars capture the same information by associating a functional type or category with all grammatical entities. For example, all transitive verbs are associated via the lexicon with a category that can be written as follows: (3) likes := (SnNP)=NP The no

This thesis presents accounts of a range of linguistic phenomena in an extended categorial framework, and develops proposals for processing grammars set within this framework. Linguistic phenomena whose treatment we address include word order, grammatical relations and obliqueness, extraction and island constraints, and binding. The work is set within a flexible categorial framework which is a version of the Lambek calculus (Lambek, 1958) extended by the inclusion of additional type-forming operators whose logical behaviour allows for the characterization of some aspect of linguistic phenomena. We begin with the treatment of extraction phenomena and island constraints. An account is developed in which there are many interrelated notions of boundary, and where the sensitivity of any syntactic process to a particular class of boundaries can be addressed within the grammar. We next present a new categorial treatment of word order which factors apart the specification of the order of a h...

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We describe a categorial system (PPTS) based on partial proof trees (PPTs) as the building blocks of the system. The PPTs are obtained by unfolding the arguments of the type that would be associated with a lexical item in a simple categorial grammar. The PPTs are the basic types in the system and a derivation proceeds by combining PPTs together. We describe the construction of the finite set of basic PPTs and the operations for combining them. PPTS can be viewed as a categorial system incorporating some of the key insights of lexicalized tree adjoining grammar, namely the notion of an extended domain of locality and the consequent factoring of recursion from the domain of dependencies. PPTS therefore inherits the linguistic and computational properties of that system, and so can be viewed as a `middle ground' between a categorial grammar and a phrase structure grammar. We also discuss the relationship between PPTS, natural deduction, and linear logic proof-nets, and argue that natural ...

Under categorial grammars that have powerful rules like composition, a simple n-word sentence can have exponentially many parses. Generating all parses is inefficient and obscures whatever true semantic ambiguities are in the input. This paper addresses the problem for a fairly general form of Combinatory Categorial Grammar, by means of an efficient, correct, and easy to implement normal-form parsing technique. The parser

this paper I treat conditionals using material implication, ignoring the well-known semantic/pragmatic problems concerning their correct interpretation. Of course, one may doubt whether (7a), which is verified by any situation in which there is one woman who did not come to the party, reflects correctly the wide scope reading of the indefinite in (7). Obviously, this problem is independent of the scope problem of indefinites. For this reason and because antecedents of conditionals are one of the simplest and most striking cases of scope islands, I use such examples freely, counting on the reader to substitute her favorite theory of conditionals for material implication. This claim has been challenged in Farkas (1981), Rooth & Partee (1982:fn.6) and, more recently, in Ruys (1992) and Abusch (1994). These works all show cases where Fodor & Sag's claim is argued to be incorrect. The empirical debate will be reviewed later in this paper (subsection 3.4.2). Ruys and Abusch both conclude that Fodor & Sag's "referential" approach is inadequate. To handle the facts, Ruys proposes an indexing mechanism of indefinites within a DRT-like interpretation of LF. Abusch proposes to enrich DRT with a storage mechanism that changes the syntactic position of the N' predicate (= the restriction of the indefinite) at the representational level. Both Ruys and Abusch therefore accept the assumption of DRT about a distinct syntactic representational level for meaning. This level (sometimes called Logical Form') is additional to the syntactic level that undergoes semantic interpretation (GB's Logical Form, other theories' Surface Structure). Indefinites in Ruys and Abusch's treatments are not quantifiers. Instead, they involve the familiar treatment of DRT using free variables. I henceforth c...

In this paper we compare grammatical inference in the context of simple and of mixed Lambek systems. Simple Lambek systems are obtained by taking the logic of residuation for a family of multiplicative connectives =; ffl; n, together with a package of structural postulates characterizing the resource management properties of the ffl connective. Different choices for Associativity and Commutativity yield the familiar logics NL, L, NLP, LP. Semantically, a simple Lambek system is a unimodal logic: the connectives get a Kripke style interpretation in terms of a single ternary accessibility relation modeling the notion of linguistic composition for each individual system. The simple systems each have their virtues in linguistic analysis. But none of them in isolation provides a basis for a full theory of grammar. In the second part of the paper, we consider two types of mixed Lambek systems. The first type is obtained by combining a number of unimodal systems into one multimodal logic. The...

Grammars that expect words from the lexicon may be at odds with the transparent projection of syntactic and semantic scope relations of smaller units. We propose a morphosyntactic framework

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