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...ect to the finding that power is associated with action and increased goal pursuit (Galinsky et al., 2003). By not attending to the concerns of other people, the powerful can plunge headfirst into action and pursue goals without restraint (Galinsky et al., 2003; Magee, Galinsky, & Gruenfeld, in press). Although lack of perspective taking may lead the powerful toward malfeasance, it can be an adaptive response to attentional demands, one that allows for efficient navigation of social and organizational worlds. Our results are consistent with recent views that power can lead to objectification (Gruenfeld, Inesi, Magee, & Galinsky, 2005; Keltner et al., 2003), the tendency to view other people only in terms of qualities that serve one’s personal goals and interests, while failing to consider those features of others that define their humanity. Giving less attention to the human aspects of other people should make it easier for a power holder to use them as tools in the service of his or her goals and interests (Gruenfeld et al., 2005). The current results also indirectly support the idea that there is an integrated relationship among power, perspective taking, and stereotyping: Perspective taking decreases stereotyping (Gali...

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...ly alters how an individual construes and approaches the world (Bargh, Raymond, Pryor, & Strack, 1995; Chen, Lee-Chai, & Bargh, 2001; Galinsky et al., 2003; Galinsky, Magee, Inesi, & Gruenfeld, 2006; =-=Gruenfeld, Inesi, Magee, & Galinsky, 2008-=-; Guinote, 2007a, 2007b, 2008; Keltner et al., 2003; Magee, Galinsky, & Gruenfeld, 2007; P. K. Smith et al., 2008; P. K. Smith & Trope, 2006; Weick & Guinote, 2008). This research makes clear that tho...

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...day in their life in their hometown. Finally, a control condition involved a prime in which participants were asked to recall and write about what happened the last time they went to the supermarket (=-=Gruenfeld, Inesi, Magee, & Galinsky, 2008-=-; Rucker & Galinsky, 2008). After participants completed the priming task, they were asked to perform a second, separate experiment, ostensibly on cognitive ability. This second task was the RAT, cons...

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...l., 2006; Ferretti et al., 2005; Hamann, Herman, Nolan, & Wallen, 2004; Mouras et al., 2003; Arnow et al., 2002; Karama et al., 2002; Bocher et al., 2001; Park et al., 2001; Redoute et al., 2000; Stoleru et al., 1999). GENERAL DISCUSSION Several factors predict diminished attribution of mind across a variety of social targets: race/ethnicity of the target, disability, likeability, even patient status in the medical domain (Haslam, 2006; Kozak et al., 2006). Diminished mental state attribution is important because it has implications for how targets are (mis)treated (e.g., Gray & Wegner, 2009; Gruenfeld, Inesi, Magee, & Galinsky, 2008; Kelman, 1976). The current investigation represents a first step in examining whether sexualized female targets fail to elicit spontaneous mental state attribution to the same extent as other social targets, specifically in perceivers who harbor hostile sexist attitudes. We employed a variety of methods to assess the effects of HS on associations of agency with and neural responses to sexualized female targets. Because overtly objectifying others is socially undesirable, people may feel uncomfortable or unable to respond naturally in experimental settings. These dynamics have made studying o...

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...2006). Because they exhibit greater confidence in their attitudes and behaviors (Briñol et al. 2007, Keltner et al. 2003), powerful people are more likely to validate their preexisting self-views and are less likely to internalize new information from the environment (Briñol et al. 2007). Stated another way, powerful people reject the threat and instead defend the image of themselves as competent, agentic, and confident. One way high-power people do so is by taking social risks (Anderson and Galinsky 2006), e.g., assertively approaching other people with regard to their usefulness or utility (Gruenfeld et al. 2008). We predict that these tendencies extend to a network pattern whereby high-status people activate larger networks replete with diverse ties. In the process of defending their identities, high-status people become more outwardly focused, activate broader networks, and fulfill the prophecy that they are indeed high status, well connected, and competent. By contrast, Briñol et al. (2007) suggest that powerless people exhibit the opposite patterns: more self-doubt and hence more susceptibility to internalizing threatening information from the environment. The act of help seeking fosters feelings ...

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...ns (Berdahl & Martorana, 2006), a focus on one’s own interest and perspective (Galinsky, Magee, Inesi, & Gruenfeld, 2006), stereotyping (Fiske, 1993), and the objectification of less powerful others (=-=Gruenfeld, Inesi, Magee, & Galinsky, 2008-=-; Kipnis, 1972). It is therefore not surprising that as the more powerful sex, men tend to play the role of sexual agents, initiators, and consumers and have positive attitudes toward sexuality. It ha...

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... increases disinhibited behaviors, illusion of control, objectification of others, and risk taking (Anderson & Galinsky, 2006; Fast, Gruenfeld, & Sivanathan, 2009; Galinsky, Gruenfeld, & Magee, 2003; =-=Gruenfeld, Inesi, Magee, & Galinsky, 2008-=-), and this system decreases perspective taking ability (Galinsky, Magee, Inesi, & Gruenfeld, 2006). Importantly for our concern, power is said to activate this behavioral approach system for two reas...

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...e powerless) insterms of qualities that serves the leader’s goals and interests, thereby resulting in theirsgiving less attention to the human aspect of the subordinates (e.g., Galinsky et al., 2006;s=-=Gruenfeld, Inesi, Magee, & Galinsky, 2008-=-).sIndeed, prior research has shown that the importance of goals may varysdepending on one’s position in the organization (Swann, 1984) and that leaders tend tosexhibit more goal-oriented behaviors (G...